It is an issue that most have speculated about but up until now, could never prove. For the first time however, there is proof that the political ambitions of Duma Boko, the president of the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC), are being bankrolled by friends of former President Ian Khama.
Last Wednesday, the African National Congress hosted a gala dinner headlined by the president of South Africa, Cyril Ramaphosa, at a Johannesburg suburb called Nasrec. Depending on the depth of one’s pocket and how far away from Ramaphosa they wanted to sit, there were seven ticket categories: titanium, platinum, gold, silver bronze, nickel and chrome. For a titanium seat at Ramaphosa’s table, one had to shell out R200 000 and there has been reporting in South African media that in order to sit “next” to the president, one had to pay R1.2 million. The latter would suggest that two people at Ramaphosa’s table paid a R1 million more for such privilege.
Some portions of the dinner were broadcast live on South African television and they showed Boko sitting at the presidential table, three seats away to the president’s right. This seating arrangement showed that Boko’s seat had been bought for R200 000 and not R1.2 million. A day after the dinner, Boko posted to his Facebook, two pictures of him shaking hands and laughing with Ramaphosa. Those who had read about the dinner and its differentiated cost, made all kinds of speculation about Boko’s attendance, including whether or not he paid himself or was sponsored by someone else.
That question was answered by Daily Maverick, a highly credible online publication with a core of seasoned journalists and a reputation for first-class reporting. According to this publication, Boko’s seat at the presidential table was a gift from South African businesswoman, Bridgette Motsepe. While she is said to have bought all six titanium seats on offer, Motsepe herself didn’t attend the political event, instead giving them out to some other people she is associated with somehow.
According to Daily Maverick: “The seats were advertised for R200,000 each, but Motsepe herself didn’t take up any of these. Instead, she doled out one of the seats to advocate Dumisa Ntsebeza, who traditionally has kept an arms-length relationship with the ANC as his political loyalties historically tended towards the Pan-Africanist Congress, and Duma Boko, also an advocate and head of Botswana’s main opposition party, the Umbrella for Democratic Change.”
Motsepe is a good friend of former president Khama, who has dramatically fallen out with his successor, President Mokgweetsi Masisi. Following the fallout between the two men, which happened immediately after Khama stepped down, there was very heavy push within the party to hold an election for the position of Botswana Democratic Party president. This had never happened in the history of the party and a faction backed by Khama fielded former minister Pelonomi Venson-Moitoi to run against Masisi. It was rumoured then that Venson-Moitoi’s campaign was being financed by Motsepe. Down the road and with the election date a few days away, Venson-Moitoi dropped out of the race. Shortly thereafter, Khama left the ruling party and founded the Botswana Patriotic Front (BPF), which is patron of. For now, BPF is still outside UDC but is trying to get in.
However, the challenge to Masisi’s job security never went away because soon thereafter and as the election loomed, Motsepe was implicated in money laundering and an attempt a launch a coup against Masisi. She was alleged to be the money behind the coup plot. The dramatic high point of this saga was the addition of Motsepe’s name to Botswana’s visa restriction list. The latter effectively amounts to being declared a prohibited immigrant because applications by people on that list to be allowed into the country are always rejected.
There is an assessment that says Khama sees the UDC, particularly Boko, as his next best legal chance of bringing down Masisi. What is on the public record is that Khama materially supported some UDC candidates, in some instances using a hired helicopter to campaign for them. What is rumoured, has never really been proven but is probable is that he also provided financial support to the UDC. France Museveni, a Facebook page that is evidently part of an intelligence operation has alleged that the air transport (namely the helicopter) that Boko used ahead of the 2019 general election, actually belonged to the state. The page claims that the chopper had been bought for the Department of Wildlife, was taken to South Africa where it was repainted and routed to Boko through Zunaid Moti, a South African businessman, who was the UDC’s main donor in 2019. This allegation ties Moti to Khama but some have been dismissed it as pure fiction because the latter has never been known to be particularly close to Asians. As a matter of fact, some Asians were jittery of what a Khama presidency would be like for them as he prepared to take over from President Festus Mogae.
Some also see Khama’s hand in the current political chaos that is roiling the Botswana Congress Party, a member of the UDC. Boko ejected the BCP’s leader and UDC Vice President, Dumelang Saleshando from his parliamentary position as Leader of the Opposition. Shortly thereafter, the BCP expelled five Boko-aligned MPs from the party and at this rate, the BCP could leave the opposition collective any day now. What Sunday Standard has learned from BPF sources is that the party wants the BCP to leave UDC because its Vice President position would fall vacant and the natural candidate to fill that position would be the BPF president. Khama has announced plans to run for BPF president but it has been suggested that he only wants to secure that position for his younger brother, Tshekedi Khama, then step down.
Contrary to popular belief, businesspeople, who are excellent financial managers, don’t donate money to politicians – they invest it. Motsepe, a good friend of Khama’s, didn’t donate a R200 000 titanium seat to Boko. She invested in someone who is potentially a future Botswana president. Khama is Motsepe’s conduit to Botswana’s politics and it is highly unlikely that the former president didn’t know of this “gift.”
Boko’s closeness to Khama’s circle constitutes grave electoral liability with regard to voters who have neither forgotten nor forgiven Khama for the dictatorial overreach of his presidency. Some in this group either voted UDC or didn’t vote at all because they feared Khama’s return to official power through a proxy.
