Only with hindsight can one appreciate the full significance of a historical moment. Over the past four decades the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) or “Domkrag” has transformed Botswana into a model of democratic development. Through sound economic management and sustained social investment in its citizen’s welfare, BDP governments have lifted Botswana up from being one of the globe’s poorest countries at independence to middle income status with a high level of human development. Domkrag’s record of good governance is further reflected in Botswana’s record of respect for human rights, the rule of law, high international credit rating and ranking as one of the world’s least corrupt societies. Few could have predicted such a unique record of achievement in February 1962 when a group of humble patriots gathered at Gaborone to launch the party that has ever since shaped the destiny of a nation.
Of diverse origin, the BDP’s founding figures were united in their determination to transform the collection of Tribal Reserves, Crownlands, and concession areas that made up the then British administered Bechuanaland Protectorate into an independent non-racial and prosperous nation that would transcend ethnic and regional divisions. They further recognised that genuine liberation would not be achieved through the uncritical adoption of external agendas and ideologies.
Preferring evolution to revolution, they instead chose to adapt indigenous democratic norms of consultation (therisanyo) and free speech (mmualebe o a ba bua la gawe) as the cornerstones for building both their party and nation.
The BDP’s unifying vision was reflected in the Party’s original Aims and Objectives. Thereafter it found expression as the national ideal of promoting Kagisano (unity, peace, mutual harmony) through the four guiding principles: Unity (popagano ya sechaba), Democracy (puso ya batho ka batho), Development (ditiro tsa ditlhabololo) and Self-reliance (boipelego).
The first significant attempt to form a Protectorate wide political movement occurred in April 1959 when the Bechuanaland Protectorate Federal Party (BPFP) was formed. Founded by Leetile Raditladi, the BPFP initially attracted the support of an impressive line-up of political activists, including such future BDP stalwarts as Lenyeletse Seretse, Gaolese Koma, Benjamin Thema and Archelaus Tsoebebe. The latter figure had already distinguished himself as the leading founder of both the Bechuanaland Protectorate African Teachers’ and Civil Servants’ Associations. Many in the party looked to Khama as their natural leader, but he doubted the BPFP’s potential. Khama’s scepticism proved well founded as the BPFP failed to put in place either a programme or organisational structures capable of attracting mass support.
The first party to win significant public backing was the Bechuanaland People’s Party (BPP), which emerged in 1961 under the leadership of Kgalemang Motsete, Motsamai Mpho, and Philip Matante. In its first months the BPP gained followers with its aggressive call for self-determination and an end to white racism. But, the BPP ultimately failed to attract strong support in the rural areas were most Batswana then lived. Many conservative Batswana were alienated by the BPP’s rhetoric, fearing that the party would destroy bogosi. Perhaps more critically the BPP also failed to attract the support of many progressive community leaders. Some, including Ketumile Masire, Mout Nwako, L. Seretse and Tsoebebe, showed initial interest in the party. But, by the middle of 1961, they had come to doubt the BPP’s capacity to disengage itself from South African politics and put forward practical programmes for local development.
In March 1961 the BPP decided to boycott the Africa Council, a new body whose representation moved the Protectorate away from the previous political domination by Dikgosi. This was a mistake. The African Council elections proved to be a political watershed, bringing together as political representatives for the first time dozens of young progressives from all corners of the territory. Most members of this new generation of leadership soon found their political home in the BDP.
By the middle of 1961 the BPP had also lost the support of Khama. Although at an early BPP rally in Gammangwato banners proclaimed Khama as their leader, the BPP leaders hoped that as an uncrowned royal, he would be content to remain above partisan politics. In this they failed to appreciate that Khama had firmly turned his back on traditional claims to bogosi jwa Bangwato, opening the door for his emergence as a nationalist leader in his own right.
Throughout, 1961 there was a growing call for Khama to lead a political alternative to the BPP. Recovering from ill health, he moved cautiously. He wanted to make sure that any such party was both progressive and national in its scope. Thus, in June 1961, he turned down a proposal by the white political leader, Russell England, to form a “multi-racial” movement to be known as the Liberal Party. He also turned down proposals to revive the BPFP, seeing its champions as being too tied to the politics of bogosi.
Khama finally made his public move in October 1961 at a four-day kgotla debate at the Serowe, in which many called for the BPP to be banned within Gammangwato as a threat to traditional order. Others, while expressing reservations about the BPP, spoke in favour freedom of association, assembly and speech as part of a process of moving toward greater democracy. When he rose to speak on the last day Khama appealed to both camps. In his speech he “agreed that the People’s Party was confusing the people and was out to cause dissension between the tribe, Government and white inhabitants of the Territory”. He therefore proposed that:
“The people should unite and form an organization with proper leaders which would be a power in the land and which would be able not only to stop the damage being caused by the People’s Party but which would be able to advise Government as to what should be done to further the interests of the Territory.”
Among the first people to embrace Khama’s call were his colleagues in the reformed Ngwato Tribal Administration such as Goareng Mosinyi, G.G. Sebeso, Lenyeletse Seretse and Mout Nwako. To organise a true territory wide movement, his next step was to reach out to fellow members of the African Council and Legco, which had already become forums for the coalescing of key activists unaffiliated with the BPP. At the second Legco session in November 1961 Khama called a caucus of all the African members. There he put forward his proposal for a new “Bechuanaland National Democratic Party.”
Except for Dikgosi Bathoen and Mokgosi who chose to remain above party politics all present agreed to join. Among them was Masire, who Khama already saw as the key person in winning over support in the southern Protectorate.
Khama, Masire, Nwako and Tsoebebe were charged with drafting a constitution for the party, which was presented and approved at a follow-up meeting at Mahalapye in January 1962. A month later, on the 28th February, the BDP was publicly launched under a morula tree in Gaborone. This venue was chosen on the day of the launch after permission was withdrawn for them to meet at Mochudi. The Bakgatla regent, Mmusi, had been pressured by some of his conservative councillors and neighbouring Dikgosi to stop the meeting. Notwithstanding this setback the Party followers managed to assemble and elect an Executive Committee consisting of Khama (President), Tsoebebe (Vice-President), Masire (Secretary-General), Benjamin Steinberg, a wealthy white trader and rancher (Treasurer), and Nwako (Deputy-Treasurer).
The aborted Mochudi meeting showed the distance that existed between the new party and some prominent Dikgosi. In this respect, notwithstanding Khama’s royal pedigree, Domkrag was never a “chief’s party” in its convictions.
In July-August 1963 the move toward independence began in earnest when the British convened a Constitutional Review Conference at Lobatse with representatives of the political parties, that is the BPP factions of Matante and Mpho, which thereafter adopted the name “Botswana Independence Party (BIP), along with the BDP, Chiefs, and white settler community. Khama, Masire and Nwako represented the BDP. Having done their homework the BDP delegation were able to take the lead the proceedings for, unlike any of the other delegations, they had drawn up their own detailed proposals to match against those of the colonial Government clause by clause.
The Conference resulted in a new democratic Constitution with non-racial legislature elected by one-person one vote. For the BDP negotiators the result was a triumph. Botswana’s future was in the hands of whichever nationalist politicians managed to win the upcoming election. Only a few Europeans had openly opposed the reforms. To drum up support some of them briefly formed a “Tuli Block Democratic Party”, which should not be confused with the BDP.
With elections approaching, the campaigns of the parties stood in sharp contrast.
When the results did come in, the BDP had won by a landslide. They captured twenty-eight seats, with the remaining three going to Matante’s BPP. The BIP was shutout, while Motsete lost his deposit running in Lobatse. Of the approximately 140,000 voters, some 81% cast their ballots for Domkrag, 14% for Matante’s BPP and slightly less than 5% for BIP.
With its electoral mandate the BDP wasted no time in forming a Government. On March 9th 1965 Seretse Khama was sworn in as the first Prime Minister of the now self-governing Bechaunaland Protectorate. The other members of his cabinet were Quett Masire, as Deputy Prime Minister, Mout Nwako, Minister of Agriculture, Amos Dambe, Minister of Mines, David Morgan, Minister of Works and Communications, Benjamin Thema, Minister of Labour & Social Services, and Tsheko Tsheko, Minister of Local Government. Finance remained under colonial government control. In the weeks that followed before the opening parliament, the cabinet held over a hundred and fifty meetings throughout the country to reintroduce themselves as government responsible to all of the people. Already the possibility of an accelerated transition towards full independence was on the minds of the leaders.
Khama made these thoughts public for the first time on the 16th April when he used the BDP’s first post-election conference at Serowe to announce to the cheering delegates that: “As a government your leaders are giving careful consideration to the timing of Independence, and you will be kept appraised of developments in this direction.”
*This is an abridged version of the original article by Jeff Ramsay
