This opinion piece dear reader makes a strong defence for the relevance of the institution of Bogosi in modern democratic Botswana and argues for he need to integrate our cultural and traditional values into modern government and society. The role of education in replacing bogosi as the repository of wisdom, influence and reverence and the subsequent marginalization and resentment of the institution by natives is well argued.
In Botswana, politics has been unkind to the institution of bogosi, a bedrock institution much maligned by government and wanton ideologues intent on consigning it to history. Mostly led and driven by lost souls, un-happy people who have cut themselves from their past.
In spite of misguided attempts by successive governments to emasculate it, the institution of Bogosi has stayed vibrant and is still revered highly today by the people and it is here to stay.
The ugly scenes of the post independence era on the institution of bogosi during the reign of Sir Seretse Khama can be felt even today under the leadership of his son. For instance, in 1970 Kgosi Neale Sechele was compelled to resign as Chief of the Bakwena following a two-man commission appointed by President Sir Seretse Khama to look into alleged negligence of duty and abuse of alcohol leveled against the Kgosi. In the year 2010 or somewhere around then a team consisting of former Ministers and Speakers of Parliament Matlapeng Ray Molomo and Patrick Balopi together with a Ngwato royal Sediegeng Kgamane and former Police Commissioner and Kweneng native Simon Hirschfield were commissioned by President Ian Khama (Seretse’s son) to probe into the troubles of Kweneng District, particularly the factional tussles in the Bakwena royal family. The commission on the Bakwena royal row did not impress most people and even compelled Mohumagadi Kgosiemang to caution Kgosi Kgari III that he should have let Bakwena resolve their own problems as opposed to bringing in Ian Khama to do it for them. She reminded him of the 1970 debacle where Neale Sechele was compelled to abdicate Bogosi and summed it up by saying ‘Noga e tsala nogana’ (‘a snake begets a young one’).
In 1973, Kgosi Seepapitso IV was suspended for one year because he was purported to have on several occasions behaved in a manner deemed unbecoming for a Kgosi and was perceived as a poor performer in the execution of his chieftaincy functions. In 1977, Sir Seretse Khama’s administration dismissed Kgosi Besele II of Barolong for dereliction of duty. Earlier in 1969, Kgosi Bathoen II of Bangwaketse was compelled by law to quit bogosi in order to pursue a political career on an opposition Botswana National Front (BNF) ticket. The poor Kgosi Bathoen had to trade in his leopard skin for politics. Kgosi Tawana Moremi of Batawana suffered the same fate, as he had to leave his father’s Kgotla to join politics. However in sharp contrast to this image, Sir Seretse Khama in 1979 appointed his son Ian Khama (then a Brigadier in the army), Kgosi of the Bangwato tribal while still serving in the army. By so doing Sir Seretse Khama set up a very bad precedent that inculcated a sense of entitlement and prestige to the young army Brigadier, something which to this day has clouded his judgment. He still thinks he is superior to other Dikgosi. How un ÔÇôfortunate!
It is worth noting that Bangwato’s Chieftaincy has been under the hands of regiments since 1925.It must also be noted that Seretse Khama installed Ian Khama as Kgosi of the Bangwato despite an undertaking by Seretse and his uncle, Tshekedi, made in the mid-1950s that they were abdicating chieftaincy of the Bangwato for themselves and their children. To this day President Ian Khama remains the only politician in Botswana who is also a paramount chief, thus flouting a precedent that was set by Kgosi Bathoen II. This was after Bathoen II had routed Marquette Joni Ketumile Masire in the 1969 elections on an opposition Botswana National Front ticket.
President Ian Khama enjoys special privileges to wear two hats of being a politician and Kgosi contrary to constitutional provisions. Khama often brags about being Kgosi of Bangwato and President of the Republic of Botswana in his political rallies. He has also gone on record to tease those that have called for comprehensive constitutional review by stating that people think it is fashionable to call for constitutional review …. ‘Tsone di tsaya gore di motlhofo go di chencha constitution’
In asserting its authority over the Chiefs, the government has sought to make them agents of the state administration and have in consequence become employees of the public service. Kgosi Linchwe II of the Bakgatla-ba- Kgafela in 1978 challenged this set up and stated in the House of Chiefs that a Chief is not a civil servant. Kgosi Seepapitso II of Bangwaketse reiterated the statement and stated that ‘just because chiefs receive a salary from government, they are not civil servants ….. And so it is wrong of us to entertain the idea that chiefs are civil servants’ (Jones 1983).
The Chieftainship Act of 1966 conned the Chiefs to the authority of the state as well as adumbrating their functions in the tribe. Of particular significance was the authority which is vested in the President to recognize the designation of the Chief by the tribe and to suspend and dispose him following a judicial commission of enquiry. Subsequent legislation substantially consolidated the power of the President and the responsible Cabinet Minister. The Chieftainship (Amendment) Act of 1970 removed the right of a Chief to a judicial enquiry before his suspension or deposition by the President. Under the Chieftainship (Amendment) Act of 1973, the President was to determine the nature of administrative enquiry preceding his judgment on the removal of a chief from office and such an enquiry could be instigated without there being, as was previously the case, a complaint from the tribe about the conduct of a Chief.
At some seminar held in 1971, the late Englishman Kgabo stated that chieftainship would no longer be a birth-right but a job like any other public office. Subsequent to Kgabo statement there was a legal case involving Kgosi Seepapitso IV of Bangwaketse in 1972 and the then Chief Justice Aguda ruled that recognition was synonymous with appointment thereby confirming the claim by Kgabo that persons are no longer born to these positions but appointed to them. Again in 1978 the late Lemme Makgekgenene reiterated Kgabo’s statement, and stated that ‘Chiefs are Civil Servants like any other civil servants’. In 2008, there was yet another amendment to Bogosi Act that sort to resolve the impasse between the two institutions.
Bogosi as Botswana’s most enduring socio-cultural institution has borne and will continue to bear the thankless task of providing cohesion to underpin the nation-state. Many, including me, sincerely believe that without the deep-rooted traditional values and norms of the collective nationalities, the Constitution alone would be unable to sustain the state.
In Edward Blyden’s warning that the soul of every race finds expression in its traditional institutions and that “no people can profit by or be helped under institutions which are not the outcome of their own.” This is the gospel that King Kgafela Kgafela II has been preaching since his coronation. Many mis-understood him, while others feared the challenge and were thus driven by hate and petty jealousy and looked at him more as a threat than an ally. Amongst the many positive reforms that Kgosi Kgolo introduced is the spirit of selfÔÇôreliance, respect amongst one another and elders, moral regeneration and social transformation as well as re-introduction of traditional initiation rites (Bogwera & Bojale).
The foregoing account, though not conclusive proof that democracy as it is known and practiced today was and/or is inherent in traditional governance, sufficiently counters the wild assertions of those wishing to ban the institution altogether on the false ground that it is undemocratic.
Certainly, there has never been and, it is safe to assume, there will never be popular elections in the selection of a political ruler, especially with the current political climate in the country which is characterised by chaos and lies from power hungry opposition political leaders. Instead of finding ways in which they can amicably work together to re-solve the impasse resort to hate.
They are even worse than Tshetlha Ya Dikgwa who it has been easy to ascribe his policy decisions to his temperament. His 35 minutes previous interview with Donald Seberane of Duma Fm where he joined the chorus of condemnation of KK KK ii can be argued to be in line with his xenophobic rhetoric and lack of understanding on the spirit of Ubuntu. It was equally tempting to blame the Khama administration’s policy on Khama’s love and need for continuous media and public attention.
Thabo Lucas Seleke writes from Seleme Farm, Rasesa
