Okay, Mr Morgan Tsvangirai has been behaving badly of late; what with all the stories of multiple female partners, an on and off marriage to a woman with a name that evokes a Shakespearean farce and all the embarrassingly juicy details of his bedroom antics. A smart television producer could turn his escapades into a riveting soap opera. Oh Morgan you have been a naughty boy. That though is another story. In the euphoria of independence in 1980, twenty eight year old Morgan was one of the many millions of black Zimbabweans who believed they had finally reached the promised land after years of a bitter bush war against the minority regime of Ian Smith and his Rhodesian Front.
There was no question as to who was the architect of this triumph of African nationalism over minority racist rule. That man was Robert Mugabe, the urbane, austere and courageous freedom fighter who had waged a relentless campaign for liberation. Flush with the pride of victory and eager to contribute to the new country, Morgan, then starting his career in the trade union movement was only too happy to assume the position of secretary in the local ZANU PF structure in Bindura where he worked in the nickel mine. Little did he know that in the course of time he would become disillusioned with his party so much that he would in subsequent years emerge as the most potent threat to Robert Mugabe’s iron grip on power. The journey of humble beginnings in rural Buhera to now prime minister and most likely the next president of Zimbabwe is captured in this large tome, running to all of 552 pages.
Stylistically the book is an autobiography narrated in the first person. It is however ghost written by William Bango, who we learn is a long time press aide. I am not sure if Mr Bango has written books before, but by any standard this is a work of admirable quality of prose which tells in great detail the life story of Morgan Tsvangirai. Like all conventional autobiographies, it begins by sketching the man’s early days growing up in the village in an impoverished home stead with an absentee father eking out a living as a migrant worker in far away Johannesburg. The mother is in the meantime, as seems to be the lot of all rural African women, charged with the responsibility of multi-tasking to keep the family going. Primary school is followed by secondary education at Gokomere High where due to demands on him to assist the family, Morgan leaves school after his O ‘levels. Concurrently the first stirrings of African nationalism begin to manifest themselves as leaders such as Ndabaningi Sithole, Joshua Nkomo, Robert Mugabe, Edgar Tekere and others are detained for their vocal opposition to minority rule following Ian Smith’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence(UDI) of 1965. An interesting observation is that the black nationalists are not fighting a homogenous white ruling establishment, but even within the establishment are strong liberal voices such as Garfield Todd and those of like mind who hold no truck with Smith and his UDI. By the time Morgan finds a position as trainee weaver in a textile factory the armed struggle is in full force, culminating in the Lancaster Talks which deliver independence in 1980 when he has moved on and is now foreman at Trojan Mine. Morgan takes us back in time and describes the atmosphere at independence, and notably the fear and disorientation of the white populace as power changed hands to a black majority of whom Smith had said never in a thousand years would they rule. At times wry and sad, he gives an account of the chicken run when the whites flee the country in fear of the unknown, mainly to South Africa as, like a domino, another white minority regime tumbles in the wake of Angola and Mozambique. Other whites of course stayed and decided to make Zimbabwe their home because they genuinely believed Mugabe’s reconciliatory message of independence. The elderly and the landed gentry stayed put either because they did not have the wherewithal to go anywhere or had too much at stake.
The allusion to the white community is a crucial backdrop because they are right at the heart of the Zimbabwe situation and the ebb and flow of its politics. Within a few short years, Morgan enjoys a rapid rise through the ranks of the mining union which eventually leads to his election in 1988 as secretary of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions(ZCTU), the umbrella body for all organized labour in the country. Under Gibson Sibanda as president, Morgan presides over a transformation of the ZCTU, from a government lap dog to a vociferous entity determined to confront Mugabe and ZANU PF at what they consider a betrayal of the struggle because of economic hardships wrought by the structural adjustment programme, the onset of elite corruption and the rise of a culture of authoritarianism and mis-governance. A period of soul searching ensues in the union ranks as the country deteriorates on various levels. Quietly a study is conducted by the trade union to gauge the mood of Zimbabweans to the unfolding national problems as well as their views on how the situation can be arrested. Consensus seems to favour the formation of a labour based national political movement. The process of going about the actual formation of the new party makes compelling reading and can be a template for labour organizations elsewhere who harbor political ambitions. It is not as opposition parties did not exist before the MDC; on the contrary many were ornamental groups with little visible impact on the ruling monolith. That the MDC, which came into being on 11 September 1999 assumed a national presence and stature can be attributed principally to its strong union foundations and the prevailing socio economic conditions. Infact most of the steering committee at formation were full time union officials who were seconded to the new party as it tried to find its footing.
That and the fact that the union could mobilize resources was a critical factor. According to Morgan, any semblance of opposition had died with the Unity Accord of 1987 where after the brutal Gukurahundi campaign in Matabeleland, Joshua Nkomo’s ZAPU had chosen the path of political suicide by collapsing itself into ZANU PF. There was therefore a paucity of a credible political alternative and the MDC arrived timeously to fill the void. Morgan points to Gukurahundi as the tipping point when he quit the ruling party because it had decided to adopt violence as an instrument of repression and maintenance of state power. Portraying himself as an individual who does not go out of his way to seek positions, Morgan is lobbied to become the leader of the MDC in preference to his long time union boss Gibson Sibanda. The lobbying and other dynamics at play are explained quite comprehensively as finally Morgan who previously idolized Robert Mugabe takes up the position which would see former idol and erstwhile groupie and their organizations locking horns in four national elections(2000, 2002, 2005, 2008) over eight years.
Commentators consider 2000 a landmark year when the wheels began to come off. This is the year which triggered a chain reaction of events which would in less than a decade bring about economic collapse, mass emigration, repression, hyper inflation as well as consigning Mugabe and the ruling establishment to pariah status. The first shots were fired in the referendum which sought to reform certain aspects of the Lancaster House constitution. Newly formed and in alliance with civil society partners under the auspices of the National Constitutional Assembly, the MDC campaigned against the proposals resulting in their rejection. With the benefit of hindsight Morgan avers that it was a mistake to take on Mugabe and reject the review process. He says the result was more of a curse than a blessing because had the draft constitution gone through with its imperfections, Zimbabwe would have had presidential elections in 2000 and in the process been spared from the worst depredations of a ZANU PF. In a startling concession, it is Morgan’s contention that the farm invasions, economic havoc, political chaos and state sponsored violence among other excesses, would have been averted and by now Mugabe would have long been out of power and democracy restored to the country. Instead the rejection infuriated the ruling establishment after which they got into a war mode to thwart any possibility of an MDC victory two years later. Though the MDC has long been considered by the international community as the legitimate voice of the opposition, the sentiment is not shared by some African leaders. Morgan does not have kind words for governments that promote the sovereignty of their fellow ruling elites over the sovereignty of the people. An example is given of the then South African president, Thabo Mbeki who throughout his involvement with the Zimbabwe situation never hid his disdain for Morgan and the MDC.
Despite the popularity of the MDC, it was Mbeki’s view that they should be a junior partner to ZANU PF in a unity government. In this book, Mbeki does not come out smelling roses. Morgan fingers him for playing a central role in the split of the party. He accuses Mbeki of conniving with the Welshman Ncube faction in an attempt to topple him. The intrigue, plotting and power play that informed the 2005 split are worthy of the attention of the reader. Given how many of those who engineered the split had been right there at the beginning of the MDC and gone through hardship it is something of a personal setback that by drawing the short end of the stick in the split, their political careers have been destroyed as their faction sails the ocean of nowhere. In The Deep End is a study in courage, will power, resilience and sacrifice of a man who was chosen by circumstances to lead the struggle for a return to normal society. At times his activism came down to a matter of life and death. An illustration of the naivety of a nascent political formation thrown in a high stakes game is the treason trial of 2003 when he was set up in sting operation by a double dealing fraudster called Ari Ben Menashe for allegedly plotting to have Mugabe assassinated. Morgan says for the first time since his foray into frontline opposition politics he nursed a genuine fear that he could be hanged by a ruthless government which had taken the gloves off and was prepared to do anything to ward off a clear and present threat to its very existence. The acquittal at the end of a long trial came as immense relief and allowed Morgan to focus on the challenge of preparing for the 2005 legislative poll. Another close shave was the severe assault of 11 March 2007 by the security agencies in full view of television cameras, an event that shocked many and galvanized SADC into action to address the situation. I remember that in the Botswana parliament that week many of us condemned this act of thuggery and demanded action from the government. Even the then foreign minister, Lt Gen Merafhe who we had often accused of pursuing a see no evil, hear no evil policy towards the ZANU PF government was at a loss and found the incident indefensible and out of kilter with acceptable behaviour towards a national leader. Morgan says he was lucky, many of his followers had suffered a worse fate. Going on he has special praise for Botswana and President Khama. After the 2008 presidential elections which he decisively won, the electoral commission held that he had not attained the fifty percent plus one threshold, thereby necessitating a run off.
Having received a credible tip off that his life was in mortal danger and he would be eliminated before the run ÔÇôoff, Morgan knew he had to flee the country. Unable to go to South Africa because he didn’t get on with Mbeki, with Malawi not an option because of close ties between Bingu wa Mutharika and Mugabe, and Zambia not a proposition either because of its unpredictability, he decided to take up an earlier offer from Khama, who was a sympathetic ally, to come to Botswana if he felt his life was in danger. There is palpable appreciation for Khama and a sense of genuine indebtness. Also impressive for Morgan was the fact that Khama was not part of the old boys club and was prepared to buck the doctrine of African solidarity and speak out against events in Harare. An account that could be right from a spy thriller is given of his flight to Botswana by road. From the book it appears that such was the premium Botswana placed on his safety that ensconced in government guest house next to the parliamentary flats, Morgan was getting daily reports from Khama’ s office on surveillance operations mounted by Zimbabwe state agents. Next to Morgan the political persona, there is the family man and private individual. We learn about his family and the pivotal role his wife, Amai Edwin, played in his life. Without her consent and counsel it is self evident that Morgan would not have embarked on this path. In detail, he explains how he was left bereft by the road mishap that took her life. Up to this day Morgan errs on the side of no foul play and justifies the devastating episode to an accident.
The book culminates with the signing of the Global Political Agreement, a symbolic act for Morgan demonstrating that he had finally brought his arch political rivals to their knees. Though not overly optimistic about the viability of the GPA, he sees the settlement as affording the country time for recovery which could not be possible without the participation of the MDC. All in all, In the Deep End is a broad sweep of the political and economic history of pre and post independence Zimbabwe viewed through the prism of a man who for the past twelve years has been pivotal in shaping the trajectory of the country.
Well researched, this work is recommended reading for all those who want to understand the rise and collapse of Zimbabwe and the myriad of factors that visited tragedy on a country that held so much potential to be one of the most advanced on the continent. Between its pages is an indictment of independence nationalist movements and how, intoxicated by the aroma of power, they conflate their historical role with entitlement to the state. Upon losing popular legitimacy they have no compunction entrenching their hegemony by betraying their very founding ideals. Turning the last page of this fascinating book, we now know why for Morgan there can be no turning back. In his name and his cause, thousands have been killed, maimed and dispossessed. The journey therefore must be carried to its inevitable conclusion and for a man who celebrated with delirium the dawn of the promised land in 1980, it seems all that was, but a chimera; a dream deferred for which he has been thrust in the role of a saviour. In The Deep End is published by Penguin and is available in hardback from Exclusive Books(Riverwalk Mall) for P263.00.
