The 19th century experience of Botswana in general can be seen as a story of local communities coming together, in the face of external challenges and opportunities. In addition to oral traditions and genealogies, the interconnection of local merafe was well documented by Isaac Schapera in his detailed 1952 monograph “The Ethnic Composition of Tswana Tribes”, the survey data for which is preserved in our National Archives.
It also reflected the dynastic histories of local merafe. The ascendency of the mid-19th century Bangwaketse ruler Gaseitsiwe was, for example, facilitated by the Bakwena ruler Sechele, who also supported the rise of the Bangwato monarch Khama III. By the same token, Sechele might never have assumed the Bakwena throne without the strategic support of Gaseitsiwe’s uncle Sebego, as well as Khama’s grandfather Kgari.
And so as we further explore the life and times of such Bangwaketse rulers as Senthufe and Segotshane as well as Sebego and Gaseitsiwe, we shall also examine the wider story of regional resistance, reformation and renaissance. It is a story of interrelationships not just among ethnic Batswana, but also Bakgalagari, Bekhuhane, Bakalanga and Khoe, among others, who together forged Botswana’s modern unity in diversity.
We left off in episode 10 (25/9/11) of our story, with the killing of two Matebele tribute collectors near Khunwana, which followed the refusal of the Bangwaketse under Sebego and Barolong booRatshidi of Tawana to acknowledge the authority of the Matebele Tautona, Nkosi Mzilakazi. This act of defiance set off a protracted conflict that would ultimately engage others, notably including Bakwena, Bangwato and Bakgatla.
It was the Barolong, however, who drew first blood. According to Serolong accounts, the unfortunate pair, Bhoya and Bhangele, met their fate after they came upon the bogwera camp for the mophato of the Kgosi Tawana’s heir, the then 17 year old Montshiwa, who had personally commanded that his fellow initiates slay the Matebele.
Back at his headquarters at E Gabeni, on the Madikwe River just north of the major Bahurutshe settlement at Mosega, Mzilakazi responded to this news by sending three of his best legions, under the command of Induna Gundwane, assisted by Nombate and Gobuza. Their orders were to destroy the BooRatshidi capital at Khunwana, along with all of its inhabitants, to set a sanguinary example to any others who would so dare defy the Tautona.
It is said that Kgosi Tawana was in the very process of graduating his son’s regiment when messengers from Kgosi Mokgatlhe of Mosega arrived to warn the Barolong of the approaching danger. Tawana thus named the mophato “Mayakantwa,” rendered more simply as “Mantwa,” meaning those who were graduated in war.
Singing praises to the son of Tawana and his comrades, the Barolong decided to remain and fight, a fateful decision.
A few days later two Barolong scouts, Sesedi and Lekgatla, arrived at Khunwana alarmingly reporting that the enemy was already pillaging the outer settlements and cattle-posts along the Molopo River. The mephato were thus summoned to arms:
“Bii- Bii- Kgomo e bonnywe! Matebele a ga Moselekatse! Sekhutlonh sa ga Molopo! Bii- Bii- Mephato yothle ya Marutuba le Matlhogela- Kwa Kgotla- Ka Ponyo ya Leithlo: A rialo Morolong!”
(“Attention everybody, the enemy has been sighted, the Matebele of Mzilakazi at the source of the Molopo River. All regiments, old and young alike must assemble at the Kgotla by order of the King.”)
Like the August 1826 Battle at Dithubaruba, the August 1832 Battle at Khunwana can be reconstructed in some detail from surviving accounts. But, whereas for the earlier altercation we have to a great extent relied on observations of an accompanying outsider, the ivory trader Andrew Geddes Bain, in the case of Khunwana there is wealth of surviving Serolong accounts, due largely to the pioneering historical efforts of Sol Plaatje and Dr. Silas Molema. Standing on their shoulders we can almost hear the shouts of mothers and fathers, as Mzilakazi’s impi appeared on the horizon, rapidly bearing down on the hapless settlement like proverbial locusts.
Gundwane’s army, made up mostly of veterans who had never tasted defeat, arrived at Khunwana on the 6th of August 1832. While the Barolong men quickly grabbed their weapons – battleaxes, knobkerrie, assegai and shields – the boys ÔÇô those who had not as yet been initiated – were told to collect and herd the livestock as best they could south-westwards away from the rapidly advancing enemy. The alarm would have been relayed from kraal to kraal, spreading out to the cattle-posts not already pillaged.
There was no time to evacuate, much less safely hide the women and children as the “buffalo horns” of the Matebele began to encircle the village. With Nombate holding the solid centre on the eastern side of the settlement the left horn under Gundwane’s direct command moved in a south-westerly direction, while the right horn led by Gobuza circled around from the north.
But, before Gundwane and Gobuza could bring their forces together for the crushing, the battle had commenced in earnest with the Barolong mobilizing their own counter-attack formation, which concentrated against and repulsed Gundwane’s southern flank.
Dr. Molema credits the initial success of the Barolong to the stout resistance of two of the frontline regiments, the Maabakgomo of Motshegare aTawana and the Malau of Mokgweetsi aPhetlhu aMakgetla, further citing the following graphic verse in praise of Mokgweetsi’s bravery in charging against the enemy, which perhaps evokes the image of the buffalo as a tactical description as well as obvious methaphor:
“Nare e makopo, e mathulo a magolo, Nare e ekile ya thula Letebele,
Ya tsuakana ya duba letshotelo, Ga ba ga sala go ja barwa Mmokele!”
(“Buffalo of thick forehead and violent charge, Buffalo that once charged a Letebele, Turning him into mince meat mixed with his own offal, Such that only the most hardened warriors could contemplate such a fate.”)(NB: this is apparently the same Mokgweetsi who spoke in awe of Makaba II’s magical powers in episode 6)
According to Malema the ultimate hero of the battle was the leader of the Magalatladi regiment, Sebotso aMontshosi, who cut through Gundwane’s men, breaking the horn. Gobuza’s forces then rushed to Gundwane’s assistance. In the process they managed to outflank the Barolong with their superior numbers, once more threatening them with lethal encirclement.
At this point the Barolong options dwindled between attempting a costly retreat or facing annihilation where they stood. With the horns once more closing in, they moved to make their escape so as to fight another day.
Again it was the redoubtable Sebotso who led the Barolong now pushing back against Gobuza’s line, to once more make a breakthrough. In the process Sebotso himself fell, his corpse is said to have been pierced by many assegai. But Kgosi Tawana, along with most of his warriors, was able to withdrawal to the south west.
The Barolong paid a heavy price for their escape. The Matebele captured many cattle, and mercilessly slaughtered those who failed to getaway, in this instance uncharacteristically, but in keeping with Mzilakazi’s instructions, including women and children who they usually took as captives. Five of the royal wives, including Montshiwa’s mother Sebodio, were among the hundreds who were thus slain.
The survivors continued on a south westward path hoping to find sanctuary among Kgosi Mahura’s Batlhaping. Along the way they were harassed by the Koranna of Gert Taaibosh and brigands under Mahura’s renegade brother Kenakamorwa. The latter made off with the remaining Barolong cattle in the process killing Tawana’s eldest son Tlala.
Although Mahura welcomed the Tawana, condemning Kenakamorwa as an outlaw, the BooRatshidi decided to press on, joining kgosi Moroka’s Barolong beeSeleka at Thaba Nchu. There they were also soon joined by Barolong booRatlou under Gontse to form a united front against the Matebele.
It is not clear whether all or part of Gundwane’s army then preyed upon the Bangwaketse. What is known is that in the immediate wake of the carnage at Khunwana the Bangwaketse farms and cattle-posts were pillaged. Those in the path of the Matebele raiders, who were not killed or captured, fled into the Kgalagadi.
From his headquarters at Letlhakeng, Sebego decided to move most of his people and livestock further to the west, establishing a temporary headquarters at Dultwe. The Matebele did not at this stage pursue him. For the time being they were content to leave a military camp at Lwale, while the victorious legions celebrated to E Gabeni.
The respite was only temporary. While the Batswana merafe now under the yoke of Tautona, including the Bahurutshe and Bakgatla bagaMmanaana ploughed, their Matebele masters rested.
It is said the younger Matebele warriors, who had not participated in Gundwane’s expedition, were especially eager to prove themselves against the “Rod of Moleta”. They did not have to wait long. The following winter the Bangwaketse were given the choice of either finally submitting to the Tautona or suffering the same fate as the BooRatshidi.
