The Rev. Robert Moffat left Kgwakgwe in 1824 fully convinced that through his newfound relationship with Kgosi Makaba II he had opened the door to the Gospel not only among the Bangwaketse but also the other northern Batswana. For all of his professed commitment to a life of humble service one can detect a degree of pride in his account of how he had boldly gone where his brethren had previously feared to tread.
In the missionary’s optimistic vision, the Kgosikgolo, even if still a ‘heathen’ was destined to become a divine instrument of God’s will. But in the end, Moffat’s ambition of establishing a network of London Missionary Society (LMS) stations radiating from Gangwaketse would have to be deferred for another generation.
In his enthusiasm Moffat was seemingly blind to the coming cataclysm. During his return journey he did witness further evidence of the destructive progress of refugee turned brigand bands from the south and east.┬á He would, however, have been presumably unaware or indifferent to Motswasele II’s premonition of the lands of Masilo a Malope overrun by “black ants.”
As it was, Makaba’s realm was already in the eye of a hurricane, its peace and prosperity contrasting to the upheaval taking place all along its borders. Upon crossing the Molopo, Barends and Moffat found that the Barolong boo-Ratlou, Seleka and Tshidi had all fled from their separate abodes, coming together for their common defence at Khunwana. They also came across Bahurutshe refugees, who spoke of the destruction in their country.
At Kgwakgwe, Makaba’s own regal bearing betrayed little self-doubt about his continued ability to act as a regional powerbroker, while facing the emerging external challenge.
It is said that up until the end the Great Crocodile maintained a strong physique, with only his occasionally weary continence and greying hair betraying the passage of time. A man of relentless energy, to the end he was renowned even by members of other merafe for what was then considered to be his eccentric habit of remaining physically active in the midday sun, when others customarily rested. 
Contemporary accounts by Batswana illustrate that in the final years of his three and a half decade reign, Kgosikgolo had become a larger than life figure. His self-confidence was exceeded by the awe he inspired among his followers and opponents. Whereas Moffat reported that Makaba feared only the Makgoa’s firearms, many Batswana were convinced that that his magic was unconquerable.
 
The Kgosikgolo’s aura of invincibility comes across clearly in the 1821 reflections of a prominent kgosana among the Barolong boo-Ratshidi named Mokgwetsi, who had previously lived under Makaba. The period of the Morolong’s residence with the Bangwaketse coincides with a power struggle among the Boo-Ratshidi over bogosi between Tawana and his uncle, the then regent, Leshomo.
With Leshomo initially enjoying the greater degree of support, in 1814 Tawana’s followers fled to Makaba’s protection. The Bangwaketse mephato were thereafter mobilized to assist Tawana’s faction, resulting in Leshomo’s expulsion and subsequent death among the Bahurutshe.┬á┬á
According to Mokgwetsi, though his life’s journey had taken him to visit many merafe, he had never known a kgosi who was the equal of Makaba, adding: ┬á┬á┬á┬á
 
“Makaba employs such powerful magic, that should he invite a neighbouring king to visit him, and that king neglects to come, he will only pay him a visit, and he is sure to die shortly afterwards. By a visit of this kind, he killed the king of the Bahurutse. [further observing]
“Makaba would be unconquerable, if all the nations were united against him, and although assisted by people with guns, for by his magic he could prevent the guns from going off, and defeat all their attempts.”
 
With respect to the latter claim, Mokgwetsi would have at least been aware of, if not a participant in Makaba’s decisive defeat of the 1798-99 invasion of Gangwaketse by Jan Bloem’s Korana, along with Barolong boo-Ratlou. ┬á┬á
 
Further testimonies of Makaba’s power speak of his ability to summon elephants by whistling and immobilize rhinos with herbs.
This mephato were said to go out on raiding expeditions with every moon, while his spies kept a sharp eye on the affairs of all of his neighbours. As we have seen the latter claim is at least supported by Makaba’s knowledge of Moffat’s advice to his estranged son Tshosa when the latter arrived among the Batlhaping at Dithakong.┬á
 
In the final months of 1824 Makaba’s intelligence would have brought him increasingly disturbing reports from Kweneng. In the aftermath of Motswasele II’s execution, the Bakwena had become divided between the followers of Moruakgomo and those of Segokotlo, which was not resolved by the latter’s defeat in a battle at Masipiana. Segokotlo, along with his surviving followers including Motswasele’s underage heir Sechele, instead fled to Kgosi Kgari’s Bangwato.
Moruakgomo initially settled at Borithe on the Ngotwane River, where he had little time to enjoy his victory. By 1824, the Mokwena usurper had relocated to Molepolole, following the arrival of Sebetwane’s Bakololo in the region. Thereafter, he tried to buy peace with the intruders through offers of tribute.
Meanwhile there were also small signs of dissension among the Bangwaketse. A headman named Mogongwa had been punished after it was discovered that he had paid tribute to Makaba’s son Sebego, rather than to the Kgosi himself.
In the aftermath of his late heir Tshosa and the still exiled son Segotshane’s rebellion, the aging Makaba would undoubtedly have been sensitive to the ambitions of the charismatic Sebego, who was the senior son of his second house. Sebego’s potential path to bogosi was then blocked by Tshosa’s underage heirs Gaseitsiwe and Ralekoko, as well as the still absent Segotshane.┬á But, only Makaba stood between him and the defacto power of regency.
Following his punishment, Mogongwa is said to have removed to Molepolole, only to find the Bakwena living under the shadow of the Bakololo. By some accounts he then approached Sebetwane, suggesting out of spite that the elder Makaba was rich and vulnerable. 
What is more certain is that Moruakgomo’s emissaries approached Makaba suggesting that they combine their forces against Sebetwane. The Bangwaketse Kgosikgolo agreed setting off with his mephato to rendezvous with the Bakwena against the advancing Bakololo at Losabanyana.
Leading Bangwaketse are said to have advised Makaba to remain behind at Kgwakgwe, arguing that he was too old for battle and also that Moruakgomo was not to be trusted. Their fears proved to be well founded.
The battle commenced with the Bangwaketse initially pushing the Bakololo back, wounding Sebetwane in the process. But, the Bakwena remained aloof from the fighting allowing the battle to turn in the Bakololo’s favour.
Less certain, but also alleged is that Sebego’s Malau regiment, along with the Maabakgomo of the absent Segotshane and what was left of the late Tshosa’s Matshelelaphala, failed to come to the aid of Makaba when his own Matshologawere were threatened by the Bakololo counter attack.
In the end, the Bangwaketse are said to have suffered heavy losses, with Makaba controversially numbering among the slain. Whether the Kgosikgolo was killed by the enemy or, either by chance or design, trampled to death by his own troops we can never know.
The great warrior king’s death gave rise to many conspiracy theories in oral traditions of the Bangwaketse and their neighbours. Some of these accounts may have been fuelled by subsequent political conflicts, rather than actual events. For others, perhaps only an act of supreme betrayal could explain the downfall of the otherwise invincible son of Moleta.
Notwithstanding the death of the Kgosikgolo, the outcome of Losabanyana was not one sided. The engagement ended with both Sebego and the wounded Sebetwane breaking off the engagement in order to regroup their exhausted armies.
                                                           
In the battle’s immediate aftermath there was no opposition among the Bangwaketse as Sebego assumed the regency on behalf of his nephew Gaseitsiwe aTshosa, while vowing to revenge his father’s death. His revenge would be thorough, with the son of Makaba conceiving a brilliantly executed military campaign that would mark one of the decisive turning points in Botswana’s history.
Below are a few verses from a praise poem, leboko, about Kgosikgolo Makaba II as recorded by Kgosikobo Chelenyane at the Kanye kgotla in 1938 and subsequently published by Isaac Schapera:
Makaba onakaladi ya Makapana; nakaladi ya Mosana kgethisa.
Kepalame Tlowe, kebalametsana, kareseo-se gasemetse waga Rramaomana aMokube.
Kgomo diletsemolapotsaoswetsa,tsaga Lotlhaka-lomodumo;
kejele lemakaletse,Letshologa looKabangwe a Moleta;
sekalabata tsamosita dikgomotsayaMolemane, tsabatsamoleta Letshologa looKabangwe a Moleta.
Lemang kapelelotloge lotshabe,letsemalemokuke waba atla.
