What appears to be an ideological reconfiguration of the Botswana Democratic Party (“BDP”) under its leader and President of the Republic of Botswana Dr. Mokgweetsi E.K. Masisi is most interesting to observe, particularly for us apolitical private citizens. That is so because often, developments such as these engender a certain personal ambiguity and emotional ambivalence because they may be confounding.
Perhaps it is this new change in pace with its direct impact on power dynamics across various levels of our society which is causing the current rumpus. Not everyone has a healthy appetite for losing power. To paraphrase one fictional political character, imagine waking up one morning to find that someone has turned our litres to pints, meters to yards, Celsius to Fahrenheits and our kilometres to miles! We would have helpless looks on our faces as if a firing squad just got called in, possibly also expressing our tension and exasperation in equal measure.
Now, it is fair to observe that the ruling party has historically been a conservative movement. This was certainly demonstrable under its first leader Sir Seretse Khama and his immediate successor Sir Ketumile Masire, whom, as we all know, have since passed to their eternal rewards. Dr. Festus Mogae and General Ian Khama were also not ideologically flexible. All the four presidents were never keen to have even a bit of a ferret around for variations to the BDP’s conservative frame work as if it were shrouded in impenetrable obscurity. So, it seems to me that the country has needed an interventionist leader for some time to deal decisively with the hypocrisy, deferments, exaggerations combined with pompous detachment often associated with officialdom. The timing is perfect because the Motswana of today no longer judges success by activity but by results. When the ideas were first mooted, they might possibly have been seen as laughable hyperbole, whimsical fiction, and deliberate exaggeration. Well, well, well!
For the longest time, some of the laws foisted on us such as the Tati Concessions Act entrenched colonial interests with the “freehold land” innovation further targeting prime land in other parts such as the Tuli Block, Ghanzi and the Gaborone Administrative District. Native Africans or “Batswana ba sekei,” we will come back to this expression later, were also largely excluded from lucrative tourism areas and until recently, many tourism community trusts in the north west part of the country were rendered inoperable. At independence, the language policy of the country was also reshaped apparently for altruistic purposes. Interestingly, in the very first Parliament, and subsequent ones, there were a number of Members of Parliament from the so-called minority tribes who failed to speak up against the argument. There is now someone with the strength of purpose to change all that stuff. This is a jolly good wheeze if you ask me.
Even freedom fighters from then white led countries were not supported officially. It has taken the current President to argue openly that his party should be viewed as a liberation movement, something unheard of in the past. The credibility of the argument lies in Botswana having been the only free country to which they could run, live, or use to escape further into Africa.
The President ought to be applauded for his undertaking to introduce the teaching of other local languages in the next couple of months, with Setswana correctly assuming the status of a lingua franca. In addition to strengthening the unity and cultural richness of our country, the introduction of other languages into our curriculum will have the economic benefit of creating more jobs. As the Latin expression e pluribus unum or “out of many, one,” says, unity is achievable without suppressing diversity.
All former presidents actively eschewed the Constitutional review process post the leadership of Sir Seretse Khama on the basis that it would unfasten the country’s peace and tranquillity. It has taken the current President to realise that the review of this document is not inimical to the composure that the country enjoys. A truly egalitarian constitution will enable every tribe in this country to stake its place at the table of nationhood. Those who reject the present format of the constitutional review process are not part of a society that is worth having, and we should not be charmed by their arguments, however urbane. Their calls to delay the process so that “it is done properly” are not well-founded tactics. This argument for lethargy should not be confused for well-meaning strategy.
The opening up of the Chobe enclave, to the expected chagrin of certain interests, is another transformative development. The kerfuffle against this initiative should be seen for what it is: native Africans are now being given a chance to play in high-end tourism. While the plots will not, and are not enough to, be awarded to all local native Africans, this is an encouraging start. On the agricultural front, the restriction of importation of certain products, while a temporary inconvenience here and there, will eventually be lauded if Batswana exploit it fully. There was a time when we could laugh in smug content and relaxed complacency at our quality of life when the country had fewer economic challenges. We must now accept the opportunities quickly to better our lot.
Thus, there should be no shyness in stating that the time is nigh to put the economy into the hands of “Motswana wa sekei.” The expression should not generate angst or confusion that it is unobjectively discriminatory or still refers to traditionally Setswana speaking groups to the exclusion of other native citizen black Africans. While the expression has its undeniable historical and linguistic context, it should be seen in an evolutionary context because it now embraces other native citizen Africans who have also come to speak Setswana.
The ideological shift of the ruling party, or that of its leader at least, appears to have flat footed oppositionist views because these progressive issues have long been viewed as anathema to the BDP. Attacks on the BDP and its leader are now let loose through slurred umbrage often bordering on the ad hominem. The punch-ups will hopefully now turn to serious issues like economic theory, policy I mean to say, and governance.
Whether the BDP itself has realised that it is moving in a different ideological direction is unknown to us. If its members are alert to this development, they should support him as his standard bearers instead of singing “Abide with Me.” The BDP and the nation are possibly experiencing a Masterclass in Political Theory.
However, sometimes going against the ideology of one’s organisation can have perilous consequences. By way of illustration, former prime minister JBM Hertzog of apartheid South Africa learnt that when he came up against the Broederbond. He was Prime Minister from 1924 to 1939. The Broederbond, founded in 1918, sought to reverse the effects of the South African War and ill-treatment by the British, achieved its goal of improving education among Afrikaners within a fleeting time. It soon had a stranglehold over the economy, media, education (which continues today) etcetera according to Ivor Wilkins and Hans Strydom in their book The Super Afrikaners-Inside the Afrikaner Broederbond.
Hertzog viewed the Broederbond as an extremist organisation and did not agree with its view to subsume English speaking whites under Afrikanerdom. He advocated for equality between the two sets of whites. So, it did not take long for the Broederbond to unleash the terrors of the earth on him. A subsequent Prime Minister General Jan Smuts, from 1939 to 1948, who referred to the Broederbond as “a secret organisation, as secret as the grave” met a fate similar to Hertzog’s for amongst others agreeing to fight on the side of the British in the Second World War. So, it can be a dangerous enterprise for a well-intentioned leader to go against an entrenched ideology and vested interests but rewarding if he or she succeeds. The presidential term limit in Botswana, for example, was reluctantly introduced because of brave folks like Hon. Jacob D. Nkate who at the time were probably viewed within the party as trouble maker’s letterboxes.
Whatever we think of President Masisi, these political decisions will likely have his name mentioned with gravitational reverence in the history books. He has not been reticent to place the full weight of the Presidency and its prestige behind the initiatives. Government processes are usually regarded as hypocritical hypnosis, characterised by analysis in paralysis because of the often carefully constructed maze of bureaucratic obfuscation.
There now seems to be movement. The changes will reconfigure the political, social, and economic power bases if they are generally implemented correctly. The President has caught the public imagination with these changes but time will tell if he was made for this moment.
- These are his personal views
