I wish, again and in public, to convey to Gomolemo Motswaledi my congratulations on his election to the office of President of the BMD. Mr Motswaledi is a formidable leader of undoubted public appeal, and his election was broadly anticipated. He gave me a thorough drubbing, and I fully and without reservation concede his not unmerited victory. I am obliged to give him space to lead the Movement, and I will do so. Nevertheless, I have before and again offer to him any support and assistance that he might require from me at any time in the performance of his functions which, I have no doubt, he will do with the utmost integrity and merit. Similarly, I extend congratulations to all members of the National Executive Committee of the BMD on their election, and express every confidence in their suitability to serve the Movement in their various capacities during the next two years. Although I have every confidence in their abilities and suitability for their various roles, I rather regret the fact of their being elected unopposed, for I apprehend that it does not reflect too well on inner party democracy in our Movement. Nevertheless, they too I assure of my support and assistance if they should ever ask it.
Many who supported and canvassed for me prior to the just-ended Congress had very little time to do so as only a few weeks ago did I finally make the decision to run after a long time of reflection and hesitation. To them I am immensely grateful, as I am to all the people who voted for me at the Congress. I ask them to accept, without reservation however they might feel, that the decision who to elect is the unquestioned prerogative of the members of the Movement in Congress. The reasons for it, whatever their nature, admit of no interrogation, for to do so would be to question the very right of the voting members to vote as they wish. To question that right, whatever the basis, would be an intolerable act, for it can only seek, however unintentionally, to narrow a right too fundamental for abridgment.
I have been told that the campaign tactics which were employed by some against me have so outraged some of my supporters, two Councillors and many members have threatened to leave the Movement. I have begged the ones whose identities were given to me, and I beg the rest not to, for there is no reason to do so. The people have, in resounding fashion, spoken on the matter of who they want their President to be, and we all have a sacred obligation, to God if to no one else, to put the force of all the support we can muster to the disposal of the leadership of the Movement, and to the Movement itself. The duty of anyone who was offended by any campaign tactics is, not to leave, but to stay in order to work within the Movement against the use of such unsavoury tactics. They, and all those who did not vote for me, must consider the election of the National Executive Committee a detail of past significance, and direct their every effort at working the Movement into government in 2014. Their mantra must, at all times, be that the future will be orange because they and we all, together, will make it so!
Several months ago, and long before I had given even the slightest indication that I might run-indeed at a time when I had decided I would not be running- speculation in the Press provoked endless pleas to me for me to NOT run. Most were spirited. As Press speculation intensified, so did opposition to the prospect of my running. Pleas for me to not run gave way to abuse and insults, and as the time to Congress neared and during Congress itself the opposition evolved into a vicious campaign of fabrication, lies and vilification. Save for the 124 people who voted for me (I being the 125th), the rest bought into it.
The contrived presence of a few Police officers on the grounds of the Congress venue learnt credence to one of the fabricated allegations against me. Some volunteered professed support for me, but with the sole and wicked intention of recording discussions at our campaign planning meetings, and to generally spy on us to inform the other campaign. The extent of this was so great we, in our naivety, actually went into the Congress thinking we had enough numbers to win.
The fanaticism of some condemned me to the ends of the earth, and the widespread passion against my running, fueled unrelentingly by the fanatic was, ironically, the conduct which decided me to run. The withdrawal of Mr Diile from the presidential race, which he called to inform me of, provided further, though lesser, compulsion for me to run. A third factor was the urging of those who were as driven by principle as I was.
I had never before in my political life suffered so much pressure to run, and to not run. I had never, before in my political life, had greater reason to run. The hatred and passions of the disapproving, if not defied, pointed to a dangerous future of cultism for the Movement. It symbolized everything that was NOT BMD. It became an imperative to assert the BMD and what it represented to this country. Hatred, vilification, and risk of attack had to be shown that bo-BMD had to win, and it won. Some regarded the very thought of my running with such intense emotions one predicted that I should be allowed to get only 20 votes, the 20th being my own, while another retorted that 20 was too much for me, and that I should be allowed only 5.
These people, through the viciousness of their campaign tactics, were capable of achieving this, for they are skilled at making the voter to see the angel for the devil. However, the determination of the 124 who, against great odds and themselves withstanding terrible pressure to switch sides, resolved that bo-BMD could only prevail if I ran, with whatever consequences. We had to say to all MaBMD that bo-BMD must triumph against all forces who would seek to negate it. We are pleased that in this we succeeded. My winning, which I always was told and knew all too well was so remote as to be impossible, while it would have been pleasing, was miniscule in importance to reminding all that the BMD was the flag-bearer of our democracy, and that it was founded on the edifice of constitutionalism. I will continue in activity in the BMD to assert this always, if for no other reason.
I have prayed for those who railed against me and my supporters, as I have done for those sheep in wolves’ skins who betrayed us. I need them to know that I am not at all bitter at their acts, and that I am content in the knowledge that I have attained the true purpose of my candidature, which was to forcefully assert boBMD. I also need them to know that I have also forgiven them all.
Article 16.3(e) of the BMD Constitution enjoins the National Executive Committee, following its election, to appoint to the Committee 5 additional members. I have heard talk that some wish that I be one of these. I disagree. While membership of the Committee raises one in status above ordinary members, so it is believed, the dictate of the Constitution in word and spirit must take its ranking place in the affairs of the Movement. Secondly, no one, including me, is indispensable to the Movement, and that is a point that must be demonstrated at every opportunity. Whatever the temptation to do otherwise, it is an imperative of principle that it be so. The Article is specific as to the qualities that such 5 people should possess. The purpose is “…to provide for the enhancement of gender balancing while also ensuring representation that reflects the true character of the peoples of Botswana”.
Having drafted this Constitution, and having discussed and agreed it with the just retired Interim Executive Committee, the tenor of the provision is precisely that for which it makes provision. It is not intended to introduce into the Committee those who were rejected by the Party Congress, and it would be to misapply it to do so. Gender enhancement plainly refers to increasing the number of the better sex in the Committee, and the reflection of “…the true character of the peoples of Botswana” refers to regional and ethnic representation, for these considerations must take their place in the scheme of things in the Movement.
Someone has suggested to me that the Committee needs me to be on it because they will need, amongst others, my legal skills. I assured him that prior to the Congress, and anticipating that I would lose, I approached and urged Mr Mmohe to run, pointing out to him that the Committee was going to need a person with legal skills on it. Mr Mmohe is an Attorney of some ability and experience. Thankfully, he ran, and has been elected.
It is grievous the disproportionate number of women elected to the Committee. That number needs to be enhanced considerably. Were it up to me, at least half the number of members elected to the Committee should be women. My wish is but only mine. Nevertheless, the NEC has the grand opportunity to make this up by co-opting into the Committee 5 women, in the doing of which they should ensure a distribution which includes the elements of regional and ethnic representation. I acutely acknowledge the greater wisdom of the Committee over mine, and that they might find other considerations more compelling. I pray that they don’t, and that they will see as I do the undeniable need for them to optimally enhance the presence of women on the Committee. It is one of those rare opportunities when this can be done.
That I say it would be contrary to principle to co-opt me does not mean that I do not wish to serve; I most certainly do. I am a member of the Gaborone South constituency and will actively be serving the Movement by activity in that constituency. In addition thereto I offer myself to my President, Sir G, and to his Committee, to serve in any ad hoc structure they might, from time to time, wish me to, and to perform any assignment or task that they might, at any time, think me suitable to be given. Similarly, I should be happy, at any time, to advise them or any functionary of the Movement on any matter on which they might think my advice could be of benefit to the Movement.
There are many in the Movement who feel a sense of grievance, some of them even bitterness at some events which have occurred in the last week, particularly at the Congress. These may have supported a vanquished candidate, but they are no less important, and they are as valuable members of the Movement as are those who supported the victorious candidate. The Movement needs to heal, and to be united. One of the priorities of the Committee must be to move to consolidate the Movement, embracing these people as all others. For that the Movement will be the stronger. The winners should be urged not to taunt the losers, and the latter should gracefully accept defeat. Seo ke sone seBMD, ke sone se nna erileng ke tlhama our Movement ke nale ba bangwe ka bo ke se lebile ele mowa o re tlaa tshidisanyang ka one. This is a time, not for sadness on the part of the losers nor for vindictiveness on the part of the winners, but for merry celebration because our Movement has just held a resoundingly successful first Congress, signaling a future of the triumph of the Orange in all things good for our peoples.
