Beyond the immediate threat being posed by the pandemic, the other not-so- subtle but systematic machinations of naked greed are being played out. These present an equally frightening spectre to the sector.
The mysterious award of oil and gas exploration licence to a Canadian company, ReconAfrica; and the land-grab excursions into the Okavango Delta by President Mokgweetsi Masisi are likely to trigger punitive censure by environmental groups and friendly governments.
In particular, the IUCN/UNESCO and the United States Congress are unlikely to be impressed by government shenanigans.
Admittedly, the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, with its attendant restrictions on movement and socialisation, has devastated the tourism sector worldwide.
The defining difference, however, is how each country has responded to challenges associated with the pandemic. And these primarily include the provision of personal protective equipment (PPEs), vaccines, improvement of public health facilities and public institutions, and public awareness campaign. Evidently Botswana has only managed on the public education while dismally failing to procure PPEs and vaccines.
Health and other frontline workers are inadequately protected throughout the country as the struggle with the pandemic rages on.
While the nation is grappling with this life-threatening situation, President Mokgweetsi Masisi had been signing away Ngamiland, and indeed Batswana’s resources without even the courtesy to consult the directly affected
At the height of the first and most traumatic lock-down in Batswana’s living memory President Masisi’s administration in June 2020 signed away oil and gas exploration licences in the ecologically-sensitive Okavango Delta. A Canadian company, ReconAfrica’s licence covers more than 30,000-square kilometre area.
President Mokgweetsi Masisi’s latest land-grabbing forays into Moremi Game Reserve have apparently convinced the majority of residents that Ngamiland is suffering a ‘resource curse’, which has plagued many of Africa’s resource-rich states.
When government corruptly chooses to utilise the national resource for the leadership’s self-aggrandisement instead of national advancement, then that phenomenon can only be a resource curse.
After two decades of fending off and mostly losing out to former president Ian Khama’s insatiable craving for prime pieces of land not only in the Okavango Delta but nationwide, communities were nearly fooled into believing that finally the government-driven land dispossessions have come to an end with Masisi’s ascendancy.
Khama’s regime had even dubiously crafted a possibly illegal vehicle in the form of Land Bank, with which it gobbled up juicy pieces of mainly tribal land. The bank was directly under the then moribund Botswana Tourism Organisation (BTO), which effectively put such pieces of prime real estate under the then tourism minister and ex-president Khama’s younger brother, Tshekedi Khama.
Consequently, community-based organisations were sidelined in favour of the tourism companies in which the politically-mighty had interests.
However, following his ascendancy to the presidency on April 1 2021, Masisi promised a well-attended kgotla meeting in Maun on September, 13, 2018 that a ‘sekidi sa lefatshe’ or a big chunk of land in the delta will be made available to indigenous Batswana.
The announcement was received with ululations and President Masisi was hailed as a saviour and ‘one of us’.
President Masisi’s subsequent directive before the end of 2018 was erroneously interpreted as a positive follow-up to the promises made at the September kgotla meeting.
The presidential directive stated that Masisi has “in exercise of the powers conferred on him by Section 11 (2) of the Tribal Land Act Cap 32:02 of the laws of Botswana directed the Land Boards are not to grant to any tribal group or other person (s) exclusive rights over any Game Reserve or National Park in Botswana.”
The president was generally praised for his boldness in trying to halt the gravy train that was the notorious Land Bank. President Masisi, the gullible crowed, is restoring the land resources to the communities. “O baakanya lefatshe.”
However, some sane voices were drowned out in the ensuing euphoria. A tribal elder and chairman of Batawana Advisory Committee Keith Diako, who unfortunately passed away in June this year, in an advisory note of January 21, 2019 specifically, cautioned Batawana against premature and undue optimism.
Diako not only argued that the directive should not apply retrospectively but also that it “cannot in any way apply to or affect the Batawana’s title and rights to Moremi Game Reserve as these existed even before the Republic of Botswana was established.”
The reserve was established by the community trust, Fauna Conservation Society, in 1963 and Maun Educational Park subsequently founded in 1967. In 1971 the society conditionally entrusted the two conservation areas to government for management. There had been a protracted dispute between the two parties over the return of the two estates to the community over the last two decades.
President Masisi announced the return of the educational park to the community on the eve of the October 2019 general elections at the main kgotla in Maun. But a settlement has yet to be reached on Moremi Game Reserve.
Diako also questioned the validity of the directive as it cannot override or supersede an act of parliament or country’s statutes and that it needs the parliamentary approval as it “has a direct and significant impact on the tenure and organisation of tribal land.”
Diako accused the government of deliberately violating its own legislation “by surreptiously and forcibly expropriating the Batawana of their property without due regard to procedure and the law.” He cited Section 2 and 5 from the Acquisition of Property Act Cap 32:10 to buttress his contention.
Diako further charged that for the past 40 years, since the Tawana Land Board/government were asked to act as trustees over Moremi Game Reserve on behalf of Batawana, they have failed in transparency, consultation and fidelity to the beneficiary (Batawana).
In his prophetic advisory note, Diako concluded that “government in its over-zealousness to acquire Moremi Game Reserve did not follow procedure or the law.”
It now turns out the elderly visionary was right after all.
In what the Maun West Member of Parliament, Dumelang Saleshando described as a “thunder out of a clear blue sky” government announced that it has secured land measuring 22 km by 8 km to construct a holiday resort for the President and his visitors.
The development was equally shocking to other residents of Botswana. A University of Botswana academic and commentator, Patrick Gunda noted in a social media post that: “In the middle of a pandemic… when we are informed we may not procure COVID-19 vaccines… Hardly 48 Hours after the Ministry of Finance submitted a request for more funding .Boom! OP (Office of the President) wants funding for a chill zone for the President’s friends in Ngamiland… At any rate does it mean whoever the friends are… are they arriving in one day to deserve this vast land? This is extremely insensitive. Do we have a conscience?
Another commentator, Mbatshi Maripe pleaded with President Masisi: “Your Excellency… Rre Masisi… Please have mercy on Batswana. We have had enough dying… alleged looting… save Botswana… botho… kutlwelo-botlhoko…ao mongame…ao morena.a utlwetse. or gaona sepe Mokgatla?
It was indeed an out of the blue sky thunder, particularly in that the ravaged tourism sector in the area had anxiously waited for the president to announce a comprehensive strategy on the resuscitation of the sector. A strategy that would have included a concerted vaccination campaign, procurement of PPEs, improvement of health facilities and others.
The sector had earlier in the campaign against COVID-19 not only generously contributed to the pandemic fund administered by government but had also even offered, as part of the private sector, to assist in the purchase of vaccines for the sector’s workers. But government was lacklustre in taking up the private sector offer.
The hospitality industry, as the second foreign-exchange earner for the national economy, had also been waiting for President Masisi to announce a sector-specific resuscitation strategy. But government has not been forthcoming.
Instead, at the height of runaway COVID-19 mortalities, government had other priorities. The nationalisation of Moremi Game Reserve portion and the controversial purchase of Tautona Lodge in Ghanzi.
A prominent Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) member, who preferred anonymity for fear of economic ruin, said it is still a mystery why government would choose to acquire a vast piece of land in the highly lucrative Okavango Delta for such a mundane and uneconomic use.
He wondered whether it is really necessary for the president to have an exclusive facility in an area where world-renowned luxurious establishments already exist. Facilities that are famed for hosting some of the world’s filthy rich (bahumi ba dinaledi) who are beloved by the president. He pointed out that “in comparison to some of these individuals, Masisi’s beloved Steve Harvey (Mothusi) ke ngwana.”
Surely, one would expect the presidency to do its bit in promoting the local tourism industry by hosting its guests at such facilities, he added. An arrangement that will undoubtedly free the presidential holiday land for other productive uses.
Commenting on the latest Masisi forays into the delta Saleshando, who is also Leader of Opposition in Parliament, noted that “acquiring a piece of land within the Okavango Delta has proven an impossible task for many entrepreneurs in Ngamiland and the rest of the country.”
He added that “three years later, the aspiring and existing entrepreneurs are still waiting for government to open up opportunities for the youth in the Delta” as promised by President Masisi at the September 2018 meeting.
Justification to prioritise the acquisition of Moremi Game Reserve land parcel is still hard to justify. Government is reluctant to transparently discuss the matter; it instead chooses to hide behind the secrecy that is associated with the mention of DIS. But this position has not been helpful as it has unleashed a flood of rumours.
Prominent among these is the contention that the nationalisation of Moremi is just part of the ongoing war of nerves between President Masisi and his predecessor, Ian Khama.
During his reign the latter had cultivated and empowered his preferred tourism players in Ngamiland, Chobe, Tuli, Central Kgalagadi Game Reserve (GKGR) and elsewhere. Masisi is thus alleged to similarly empower his selected tourism players, including French and Asian ones.
The speculators further charge that government did not convert the tribal land at Moremi Game Reserve into a stateland in order to construct a presidential holiday resort. They point to government properties that are all constructed on tribal land throughout the country on land board leases.
The insistence to nationalise now, they argue, is to enable the ease of transferring that land to a preferred third party at a later stage without having to go through “the cumbersome” route of seeking permission and providing explanations to communities.
It would appear even at this phase government is not willing to consult and provide explanations to the communities on the matter.
This has obviously not been well received by the communities and the move was roundly condemned by elected leadership that include Councillors and MPs for Maun East, West, Ngami and Okavango.
Recently Ngamiland councillors publicly opposed the allocation of the land to Office of the President
The tribal leadership (Dikgosi) is also enraged and has appealed to Batawana Regent, Kgosi Kealetile Moremi to request President Masisi to urgently address them on the matter.
The Dikgosi view Masisi’s accession to allocating Kgosi Tawana Moremi a concession in the delta as a self-serving and dangerously divisive strategy.
In a closed meeting with Dikgosi this week, Kgosi Kealetile is known to have also expressed surprise at the announcement of the acquisition of land for a presidential holiday resort as Tawana Land Board had given her the impression the matter was yet to be consulted on when the latter initially informed her.
The Masisi administration appears to be unwilling to discuss the matter. Before the Parliament’s winter session went on recess, Maun West legislator Saleshando had lodged an urgent motion with the Speaker of Parliament Phandu Skelemani but this was summarily rejected on the pretext that the matter (the land-grab) had already been effected and could not be reversed.
Quoting the inventor of the telephone, Alexander Graham Bell, the opposition leader vowed that since the doors of Parliament are closed, it was time to open other doors.
Saleshando could ostensibly be counting on the support of the residents, tribal and elected leadership, and any other friendly forces.
Conservationists are already studying the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) regulations, and they are convinced the unilateral nationalisation of community land is not compatible with the listing of the UNESCO-protected Okavango Delta as a World Heritage site.
The listing rules place special emphasis on the consultation and involvement of communities in any development that is carried out in the listed area and its buffer zone.
On the other hand two members of the United States Congress have sent a plea to that country’s topmost diplomat (Secretary of State Antony Bliken), the Attorney General Merrick Garland, Securities and Exchange Commission chairman Gary Gensler, and Agency for International Development (USAID) administrator Samantha Power urging a “thorough and coordinated investigation” into concerns raised about oil and gas exploration in the spectacular and delicate Okavango region.
In the bipartisan letter dated June 16, 2021, Senator Patrick Leahy, a Vermont Democrat, and Congressman Jeff Fortenberry, a Nebraska Republican, warn that should investigation find evidence of wrongdoing on the company’s part fines could be instituted and criminal charges against the individuals involved, or a halt of trading for its U.S. share sales.
They expressed concern over “suggestions of inadequate environmental impact studies and consultations with local communities.” They maintained that the U.S. has an interest in protecting the Okavango Delta under the Defending Economic Livelihoods and Threatened Animals (DELTA) Act, which became law in 2018, to safeguard the ecologically, culturally, and economically important area.
Fortenberry, co-chair of the International Conservation Caucus, author of the DELTA Act, and member of the House Appropriations Subcommittee on State and Foreign Operations told National Geographic that “international corporations operating in this region of Africa should work collaboratively with local communities and be held to global environmental standards.”
“Africa is not a frontier to be exploited. This area, in particular, is one of the most unique and pristine ecosystems in the world. It is irreplaceable and needs guardrails for sustainable activity,” he added.
While acknowledging the right of the countries to develop their natural resources within their legal processes, the two U.S. lawmakers insisted that “It is critical that a project, throughout its life, strictly adheres to international best practices for transparency, community participation, and environmentally sustainable practices.”
Researchers at University of Botswana’s Okavango Research Institute (ORI) have reportedly strongly cautioned against any kind of mining activities within the ecologically sensitive delta region, citing the environmental disaster that has become the Niger Delta in Nigeria.
The ORI researchers have encouraged government to seek alternative eco-friendly renewable energy sources, particularly solar power which has a vast potential in both Botswana and Namibia.
Interestingly, the two countries in April signed a memorandum of intent with USAID for the mega solar project expected to generate five gig watts of electricity with solar power. USAID is an aid and development assistance arm of the U.S. government.
Officials from the two governments (Botswana and Namibia), however, continue to stand by the fossil fuel projects.
But the latest plethora of government’s staggering clumsiness appears to be awakening powerful and ordinary voices within Ngamiland and Botswana in general. Voices whose owners are increasingly tiring of government leadership’s excesses that seems to thrive on perverse enjoyment of their misery.
An irate former tourism sector operator who is now moonlighting as a taxi operator asked in jest whether it would be too much to ask that such uncaring leaders and their securocrats be among the annual mortalities of an average of six that are caused by elephants in Ngamiland.
